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History is a linear journey of life. It is the case that 1980 represents a year in which the consequences of universal suffrage are written the experiences of human beings who bridged this historical beginning and the continuing story of the people of Zimbabwe to answer to the question of whether the promise and reality of stories in between 1980 and 2023 speak to each and why.

Who is to blame, if any? I read this book authored by Mr. Mutumwa Mawere, a member of BOAF, and my conclusion after reading it was to include it in my companion as a book worth reading as part of a project powered by the Banking on Africa’s Future (BOAF) initiative to provoke 10,000 Africans to answer to the cardinal question whether the promise of independence was betrayed by its would-be shapers and protectors.

If you are interested in getting your copy, please follow Mr. Mawere on his linkedin page or simply use whatsapp number +27832692874.

Never use another person’s legs to take you to an address called UHURU.



This book is a collection of articles focusing on the review and assimilation of ideas over the past 33 years, dealing with the questions of economic empowerment and indigenization.

The 33-year old history of post-colonial Zimbabwe represents a major strategic experience that certainly will have important lessons for South Africa, Africa’s largest economy.

April 18, 1980 marked a turning point in the anti-colonial struggle and the successful negotiation of a political settlement facilitated by the United Kingdom made it easier for South West Africa (now the Republic of Namibia) and South Africa to change.

Whatever one’s attitude to toward the post-colonial experience, the lingering question about economic justice must be studied and correctly understood.

The land reform exercise and the current indigenization and economic empowerment program that are being driven by the State and its actors, have left an imprint that one cannot ignore. One cannot, therefore, locate the experiences of Zimbabwe on empowerment and indigenization outside the context of the colonial past.

The history of southern Africa, in particular, will never be the same, without taking into account the ideological and empirical case studies that Zimbabwe offers.

In investigating the question of why the majority of Zimbabweans find themselves at the bottom of the economic and opportunity ladder, there is an easy temptation to blame the colonial past, forgetting that a lot could have been achieved had proper investment been made on what matters in terms of building viable nation-states.

At the heart of the enterprise of nation-state building lies the question of the role of the State, if any, in leveling the economic playing field.

This compels us to examine the post-colonial period, a period that offered so much hope but has turned out to be nightmare for the majority of Zimbabweans who have to endure poverty, unemployment and income inequality of unprecedented proportions.

Understanding the nature of the indigenization and economic empowerment drive is critical in arming Africa and in learning the lessons of the post-colonial class contradictions in order to prepare for the real struggle – that of delivering on the promise of secure and free lives.

This book analyzes and critiques a number of transactions that have been concluded in the framework of indigenization and economic empowerment, as well as the regrettable course of historical development in Zimbabwe following the implementation of the land reform program.

The articles are preoccupied with the question of whether the intervention of the State in altering the member registers of companies constitutes a new, sustainable social model that advances the cause and spirit of the revolution.

What has been achieved since independence in positioning the black majority in the economic mainstream? Economic growth has been elusive in Zimbabwe and the policy reversals and shifts have exposed the bankruptcy of the architects of indigenization and economic empowerment thinkers and drivers in understanding the drivers and building blocks of an inclusive and cohesive society.

The book explores the relationship between indigenization and economic empowerment and the post-colonial State that has nothing tangible to show in terms of real and substantive empowerment after 33 years of independence.

It is argued in the book that the growth of inequality and attendant social antagonisms will not be cured by leaning backwards to listen to the ghosts of the colonial era.
The internal contradictions within the inclusive government, as well as within ZANU-PF, on this defining issue are examined in the book.

The lack of leadership on the key question of indigenization and economic empowerment after 33 years of independence is exposed. It appears to be the case that the State has been sufficiently fragmented to allow any Minister to define and shape the agenda as he or she pleases.

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President Cyril Ramaphosa

President Cyril Ramaphosa will tomorrow , Wednesday, 22 March 2023, deliver the keynote address at the first day of the three-day National Conference on the Constitution which is titled Reflections And The Road Ahead.

The event will take place at the Gallagher Convention Centre in Midrand, Gauteng, under the theme “Reflections on the Constitution: Rule of law, accountability, social and economic justice”.

The conference gives the nation an opportunity to reflect and engage in dialogue on the past 25 years of the Constitution, nation building, gender equality, youth economic empowerment, service delivery and social stability, with the objective of charting a way forward that builds on the gains of democracy.

As a platform for deliberating on continuous, robust debate on the purpose and effectiveness of the Constitution, the National Conference on the Constitution intends to broaden the discourse on the Constitution and encourage members of the public to participate in the conversation on constitutionalism and the state of democracy in the country.

Some of the focus areas in the programme include:

• Transforming and building an independent and resilient judiciary;
• Transforming and growing the economy as a constitutional imperative;
• Progress on land reform: restitution and distribution;
• Governance and electoral reform;
• Effectiveness of constitutional and independent statutory bodies in strengthening
constitutional democracy.

The conference will be attended by prominent figures of South African society including academics, members of legislatures, constitutional and independent statutory bodies, mayors, political parties, youth, students, business leaders, religious leaders, representatives of the legal fraternity, traditional leaders, media and others.

The conference will be held as follows:

Date : 22-24 March 2023
Time : 08h30
Venue: Gallagher Convention Centre, Midrand, Gauteng

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Here are the facts:

THE COCA COLA COMPANY (TCCC) acquired THE ENTIRE ISSUED SHARE CAPITAL OF CADBURY SCHWEPPES PLC resulting in the control and management of the global Schweppes businesses into TCCC value chains including Schweppes Zimbabwe Limited (SZL), a company incorporated in terms of the laws of Zimbabwe.

Mr. Brian Musekiwa, a Zimbabwean-born professional based in Texas, USA, said: “I had no idea of the SZL matter and its intersection with the SMM Holdings Private Limited (SMM) affair until I joined the Justice Under Rule of Law’s (JUROL) corporate heritage and legal literacy campaign powered by the Banking on Africa’s Future (BOAF) of which I am a paid up member. I have followed the SZL saga with keen interest not because of the Zimbabwe angle but because TCCC is a global corporate icon and just the idea that this company was party to an extortion and corrupt deal involving the payment of $2.7 million to Chinamasa, Mnangagwa’s key 2017 coup ally, is chilling leading any person like me to want to know if there exists any causal link between the complicity of TCCC’s alleged corrupt practices and conduct in relation to the affairs of the SZL localization and upgrade program concluded with Africa Resources Limited (ARL), a private company incorporated in terms of the laws of the BRITISH VIRGIN ISLANDS (BVI) and wholly owned by Mr. Mutumwa Mawere, a Zimbabwean born South African naturalized citizen, who Mnangagwa and Chinamasa using Messrs. Edwin Manikai and Afaras Gwaradzimba as surrogates, and the extrajudicial and the unconscionable theft of the control and management of SZL and other juristic entities using an unprecedented draconian and barbaric law called the Reconstruction of State-Indebted Insolvent Companies Act that was authored by Mnangagwa to bridge him to state power.”

Mr. Cornwell Mutetwa, a Zimbabwean businesan said: “I naively thought that the reconstruction project was solely premised on the affairs of SMM as a company and not on the person of Mawere and his alleged interests in companies like SZL.

I am pleased that Mr. Mucha Mugore, a member of BOAF-JUROL, inspired by findings in his MBA dissertation research on how public power was abused in expropriating Mawere’s relationships with not only SMM but many separate and distinct juristic entities, provoked in a whatsapp group that the record of this sad chapter in the corporate history of Zimbabwe must be corrected preferably in form of a memoir written by Mawere.

I was encouraged and remain so that I have flins myself being part of this noble project that has enabled me to interface with Mr. Mawere who has generously downloaded critical information that hitherto has not been in the public domain. I had no idea that Coca Cola Holdings Netherlands (CCHN) was directly and indirectly involved in the affairs of SZL until I read this:

Having understood that it was the Zimbabwe Competition and Tariffs Commission (TCTC) was weaponized to have jurisdiction beyond its mandate to regulate competition issues to become relevant in prescribing localization matters, I began to understand that under the late Mugabe’s watch the governance system was already broken.

My memory was then provoked to appreciate why the former Minister of Indigenization, Hon Kasukuwere, had a hand in the SZL matter and used his public office to cause ZCTC to require as a condition for approving that the control and management of SZL be divested and deprived from TCCC using public power.

It is against this background that the extortion inherent in the extract below from a meeting between SZL’s then SA-based legal counsel, an employee of Coca Cola South Africa Pty Limited, a private company incorporated in terms of the laws of SA, can properly be understood:

It was made clear to CCSA that unless a payment of $2.7 million was paid to the order of Fidelity Life Asset Management (FLAM) and SMM under Chinamasa’s control through his appointee, Gwaradzimba, the ARL purchased equipment imported from Europe and delivered to SZL as part of the upgrade project, would not be released to an SZL controlled by CCSA until a ransom amount of $2.7 million was paid to the order of Chinamasa.

On the advise of Gwaradzimba whose relationship with SMM was a consequence of a decree and an order issued by Chinamasa with no judicial involvement, CCSA according to Mr. Mokwena, in his capacity as the legal counsel of both SZL and CCSA, was advised by Gwaradzimba and accepted his advise to part with a bribery of $2.7 in million to cause Chinamasa to exercise public power to issue a notice removing SZL from the purported and unlawful and invalid control by Gwaradzimba using the order issued by Chinamasa in relation to SMM affairs only.

It is chilling that Chinamasa used public power to issue a notice dates 26 January 2006 and through his appointee was rewarded with a secret gift of $2.7 million to the prejudice of ARL and its sole shareholder, Mr. Mawere.”

Mr. Peter Makoni, an attorney and a member of BOAF-JUROL, said: “I have had the opportunity to read and understand the sequence of events leading to the confiscation of equipment acquired by ARL using the personal agency of Mr. Mawere as set out below:

It is clear from the fax above that neither FLAM nor SMM under reconstruction were involved in the SZL matter as promoters and sponsors to permit any lawful payment of a bribe of $2.7 million to Chinamasa using cronies like Gwaradzimba and Manikai.

Having concluded that Chinamasa was unjustly enriched to the tune of $2.7 million based on fraudulent representation that the $2.7 million that ARL, a company whose affairs fell outside the jurisdiction of Zimbabwe and, therefore Chinamasa and his surrogates, in exchange for a government gazette to divest and deprive ARL of the control and management of the upgrade equipment that was conveyed by Petter Trading Pty Limited as ARL’s agent, received pocket money to be used for ulterior motives in the amount of $2.7 million from CCSA.

It would please anyone interested in building a future of not only Zimbabwe but Africa that is characterized by the respect of the rule of law to take notice of the documents in the flipbook below:”

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